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Democrats won both chambers. Here is what a Democratic Congress can and cannot do to Kalshi and Polymarket, and when

Analysis · Updated November 4, 2026 · 18+ · Not legal advice · By · Prediction Markets

What a Democratic Congress means for Kalshi and Polymarket
Two ban bills, four gavels, one commissioner, 54 seats. The dates are what matter.
Short version: Democrats won the House and reached 54 Senate seats on November 3, 2026, and the exchanges that priced that result at 74 to 78 cents the day before now have to live with it. The new majorities take office on January 3, 2027. They cannot ban Kalshi or Polymarket US by themselves: the two ban bills already filed need 60 Senate votes and a signature from a president whose CFTC has sued ten states on the exchanges’ behalf. What they can do without a single new law is take the committee gavels over the CFTC, hold the hearings the Republican chairs did not, write the agency’s budget, decide who fills the four empty commissioner seats, and turn a letter that went unanswered on Election Day into a subpoena. This article sets out the people, the bills, the dates and the limits. It is not legal advice and it does not predict anything.
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What happened on November 3, and what the markets had said

The Associated Press projected Democratic control of the Senate at 11:46 p.m. ET and of the House at about 1:30 a.m., after Democrats flipped Republican-held Senate seats in North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Ohio, Kansas, Iowa and Maine and held New Hampshire, Minnesota and Michigan, where Abdul El-Sayed was called at about 2:30 a.m. The Boston Globe’s count early Wednesday had Democrats at 54 Senate seats with Alaska, Mississippi, Montana and Nebraska uncalled, and the House at 224 to 134 with seats still open (Boston Globe). Hakeem Jeffries is in line to be Speaker. Kalshi had priced a Democratic Senate at 74 cents and the House at 94 on November 2; Polymarket’s sweep contract was 73.5 cents at 5 p.m. ET on Election Day and 98.7 by 9 p.m. The live contracts remain on our 2026 midterm election odds page and the race-by-race record is in yesterday’s scorecard. What follows is about the consequences for the exchanges that ran those markets.

The two bills already on the table

Two bills were filed in the same week of March 2026, and they are not the same bill. On March 23 Senators Adam Schiff, a Democrat, and John Curtis, a Republican, introduced the Prediction Markets Are Gambling Act, which would bar CFTC-registered exchanges from listing contracts that resemble sports bets or casino games, and would leave election, economic and other contracts alone (Schiff release). Kalshi called it “motivated by casino interests.” Three days later Senator Jeff Merkley and Representative Jamie Raskin introduced the STOP Corrupt Bets Act, co-sponsored by Elizabeth Warren, Richard Blumenthal, Chris Van Hollen and Sheldon Whitehouse, which goes much further: it would bar event contracts on elections, on government actions in all three branches unless there is a commercial hedging need, on sports and on US or foreign military action, order the CFTC to enforce that reading, commission a GAO study and restore state authority over gambling (Merkley release).

The difference matters for what a Democratic Congress is likely to move. The Schiff-Curtis bill has a Republican co-sponsor, the support of the casino industry and the state regulators, and a narrow target. The Merkley-Raskin bill is the one that would have shut down the very markets that just traded $1.4 billion on Kalshi, and it has no Republican name on it. Neither bill has had a committee vote. In a Democratic House, Raskin’s bill would have a Judiciary chairman who wrote it; in a Democratic Senate, the referral would go to the Agriculture Committee, which is where the arithmetic gets harder.

BillIntroducedSponsorsWould barRepublican support
Prediction Markets Are Gambling ActMarch 23, 2026Schiff (D), Curtis (R)Sports and casino-style contracts on CFTC exchangesOne co-sponsor
STOP Corrupt Bets ActMarch 26, 2026Merkley (D), Raskin (D); Warren, Blumenthal, Van Hollen, WhitehouseElection, government-action, sports and military contracts; GAO study; state authority restoredNone

The arithmetic: 54 is not 60, and the White House has not moved

Fifty-four seats is a majority, not a filibuster-proof one. Any ban that reaches the Senate floor needs six Republicans, or more if a Democrat from a state with a licensed sportsbook industry that likes the exchanges, or one that has just signed a deal with them, balks. Then it needs a signature. President Trump’s CFTC has sued ten states to stop them enforcing gambling law against Kalshi, Chairman Michael Selig has said the agency “will not allow overzealous state governments to undermine” its authority, and the administration asked for a bigger CFTC budget this year (DTN). A veto override needs two-thirds of both chambers. The honest reading is that a statutory ban on election or sports contracts is not the likely product of this Congress. The likely products are oversight, money and appointments, and those need no Republican votes at all.

📱 Compare how the same event is priced across venues on Polymtrade.Referral link. 18+.

The gavels: four Democrats who have already written to Selig

Committee chairs are chosen by each caucus in December and January, and ranking members normally move up. The four who matter here have all put their names to letters about prediction markets this year. Amy Klobuchar is the top Democrat on Senate Agriculture, the committee that oversees the CFTC and confirms its commissioners; on June 3 she and Elissa Slotkin led 15 Democratic senators in asking Selig to restrict self-certified contracts, examine the exchanges’ compliance and prioritise insider-trading cases involving government employees (Slotkin release). Angie Craig is the ranking member on House Agriculture; at the July 21 subcommittee hearing on sports event contracts she said the CFTC had lost 20 percent of its staff, was facing a $10 million cut in the House appropriations bill, and that Selig’s framework “does not go far enough” (House Agriculture Democrats). Elizabeth Warren is the ranking Democrat on Senate Banking and Maxine Waters on House Financial Services; with Craig and Klobuchar they wrote to Selig and the Office of Government Ethics on March 29 about insider trading by officials, and Warren’s October 30 letter with Curtis asked the exchanges for four insider-trading figures by Election Day, which neither had published when the deadline passed (our report).

CommitteeRanking Democrat todayLever over prediction marketsAlready on record
Senate AgricultureAmy KlobucharCFTC oversight, commissioner confirmations, CEA amendmentsJune 3 letter to Selig with 14 colleagues
House AgricultureAngie CraigCFTC oversight, authorisation, hearings and subpoenasJuly 21 hearing; March 29 letter; May letter asking Trump to fill the commission
Senate BankingElizabeth WarrenSEC side of the event-contract question; insider-trading inquiriesMarch 29 letter; October 30 Warren-Curtis letter; STOP Corrupt Bets co-sponsor
House Financial ServicesMaxine WatersSame, plus the Cboe binary-options approvalMarch 29 letter
Appropriations (both)VariousThe CFTC’s budget and ridersHouse bill cut the agency $10 million for FY27

The letters are the point. A ranking member’s letter can be ignored; Kalshi and Polymarket ignored the Warren-Curtis deadline on Election Day without consequence. A chair’s letter arrives with a hearing date, a document request the committee can enforce and a budget mark-up behind it. Craig has already said in public that she wants a “fully appointed commission, additional resources and increased expert staffing”; as chair she would write the House bill that decides the resources, and her Senate counterpart would decide whether the four vacant seats get filled with nominees who share Selig’s view of preemption or not.

The one-man commission

That last point is the quietest and probably the largest. The CFTC has five seats and one occupant. Selig has acted alone since his confirmation in December 2025; his predecessor Caroline Pham did the same after the other commissioners left. In May the House Agriculture chairman, Republican Glenn Thompson, and Craig jointly asked the President to nominate a full bipartisan slate, arguing that a one-member commission produces rules that do not last. The Senate confirms those nominees, and from January the Agriculture Committee that holds the hearings will have a Democratic chair. The administration can keep Selig acting alone indefinitely, and every rule he has issued, including the October 9 interim final rule excluding casino bets from the swap definition and the proposal to write event contracts in, stands as agency action whatever Congress thinks of it. But the proposal has a comment period that closes November 18, a Democratic Congress can hold hearings on the final rule, and the Congressional Review Act gives a new majority a 60-legislative-day window to disapprove a rule by simple majority, subject, again, to a veto.

What does not change

The courts. New Jersey’s petition in Flaherty v. KalshiEX, No. 26-299, has the briefs of 39 states, the NFL and 145 tribes behind it, and Kalshi’s response is due November 9, two months before the new Congress sits. The Second Circuit appeals from New York and Connecticut, the Tenth Circuit appeal from Utah, the Fifth Circuit cases Kalshi and Polymarket opened in Louisiana, and the Illinois injunction now on appeal to the Seventh Circuit are all decided by judges who do not read election returns. The states do not change either: Utah’s criminal case against Kalshi’s founders, Ohio’s licensee order and Missouri’s letters were brought by Republican officials, and the 39-state brief was filed by Ohio’s Republican attorney general. The fight over prediction markets has never split neatly along party lines, which is one reason the Schiff-Curtis bill exists and one reason the Merkley bill has four Democratic co-sponsors and not forty. Our 50-state tracker has the current map; the Texas page covers the state that just elected a Democratic senator and a Democratic governor while its own legislature holds hearings on banning the exchanges.

The market’s own view

Kalshi raised $1 billion at a $40 billion valuation on October 29 and reported more than $1.4 billion in midterm volume, and its political giving has gone to both parties; our donations piece has the recipients. The exchanges’ business case assumed a Republican Congress would not act and a Republican CFTC would defend them. The second assumption still holds. The first is now a question of what Klobuchar and Craig choose to schedule in January, and the honest answer is that nobody, including the markets, has priced it. There is no liquid contract on a federal prediction-market ban, which is itself a small piece of information: the people most exposed to the outcome have not asked the question in public.

Dates to watch

DateWhatWhy it matters
November 9, 2026Kalshi’s Supreme Court response due in No. 26-299Sets up a cert decision in the current Congress
November 18, 2026Comments close on the CFTC’s two swap-definition rulesLast chance to shape the rule before a Democratic Congress reviews it
December 2026Caucus votes on committee chairsConfirms who holds the Agriculture and Banking gavels
January 3, 2027120th Congress sworn inDemocratic majorities, Jeffries as Speaker, new chairs
January 2027Texas Legislature regular session opensFirst state session after a Democratic Senate win in Texas

Method and limits

Results and times are from the Associated Press as reported by the Boston Globe at 05:45 UTC on November 4; seat counts were not final and four Senate races were uncalled. Bill details are from the sponsors’ own releases. Committee positions are the current ranking memberships; chairs are elected by each caucus and could differ. The 60-vote and veto points describe current Senate rules and the Constitution, not a forecast of behaviour. This article does not predict legislation and is not legal, financial or betting advice.

Frequently asked questions

Can a Democratic Congress ban prediction markets?

Not on its own. The STOP Corrupt Bets Act and the Prediction Markets Are Gambling Act would need 60 Senate votes to beat a filibuster and President Trump’s signature or a two-thirds override. Democrats will hold about 54 Senate seats from January 3, 2027, so any ban needs Republican votes and a president who has backed the exchanges.

What can Democrats do without a new law?

Chair the committees that oversee the CFTC and hold hearings, subpoena documents, write the CFTC’s budget and confirm or block the four vacant commissioner seats. Angie Craig, Amy Klobuchar, Elizabeth Warren and Maxine Waters are the ranking Democrats in line for those gavels, and all four have already written to Chairman Selig about prediction markets.

Which bills are already filed?

Senator Jeff Merkley and Representative Jamie Raskin’s STOP Corrupt Bets Act of March 26, 2026, which would bar contracts on elections, government actions, sports and military action; and Senators Adam Schiff and John Curtis’s bipartisan Prediction Markets Are Gambling Act of March 23, 2026, which targets sports and casino-style contracts only.

Does the election change the court cases?

No. New Jersey’s Supreme Court petition in Flaherty v. KalshiEX, No. 26-299, the Second and Tenth Circuit appeals and the state suits run on their own timetables. Kalshi’s Supreme Court response is due November 9, before the new Congress sits.

When does the new Congress take office?

January 3, 2027. Until then the Republican majorities, the current committee chairs and the CFTC’s pending swap-definition rules, with comments due November 18, 2026, are what govern.

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